Uncovering the Truth: The May 1998 Mass Rapes and Systematic Denial

This article contains content regarding sexual violence that may be triggering. Reader discretion is advised.

The systematic denial of mass rape reports during the May 1998 riots was a coordinated effort orchestrated by state-affiliated actors, according to findings from human rights activists. Even the Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF), established by President B.J. Habibie, became a target for those seeking to erase the traces of violence inflicted upon ethnic Chinese women.

“The denial began from the very beginning, even within the TGPF itself. Those responsible for the riots who were part of the TGPF actually infiltrated the team with one goal: to deny that the mass rapes of May ’98 ever happened,” said Sri Palupi, a former member of the Assistance Team for the TGPF.

At the time, those efforts were only partially successful.

The TGPF ultimately announced to the public that at least 85 women—most of whom were of Chinese descent—were victims of mass sexual violence. The actual number is suspected to be significantly higher, with cases occurring both within and outside Jakarta.

Following the results announced on November 3, 1998, two TGPF members submitted formal dissenting notes. They demanded the removal of sections concerning sexual violence, arguing that the claims “could not be legally proven.” These two members were Marwan Paris, representing the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), and Da’i Bachtiar, representing the Indonesian National Police.

Archives from the Kompas daily dated November 4, 1998, record Da’i Bachtiar explaining his objections to reporters. He argued that the TGPF’s conclusions were analytical and lacked “material evidence.”

“It shouldn’t be based solely on formal testimony without material proof. Out of the cases reported, perhaps only three could be followed up by the police—those with victim confessions. And even then, only if the victims are willing,” Bachtiar stated at the time.

Palupi recalls that three primary documents were submitted for the report: the patterns of the riots and military involvement, the status of looting, and the mass rapes. “Only the third document was contested,” Palupi noted.

Nearly three decades later, this denial has resurfaced. This was evident in an interview with Culture Minister Fadli Zon last year, where he questioned the term “mass rape.” A press release and social media posts from the Ministry of Culture in June 2025 also openly denied the mass rapes and attempted to delegitimize the TGPF report.

Related Coverage:

• Fadli Zon claims May ’98 rapes were ‘rumors’ with ‘no evidence’
• Administrative Court rejects lawsuit against Fadli Zon; Civil Coalition files appeal citing efforts to distance the public from the facts of the 1998 mass rapes

When contacted by BBC News Indonesia, Fadli Zon reiterated his stance, claiming the terminology was not supported by legal evidence at the time. Sri Palupi expressed little surprise at the Jakarta Administrative Court’s (PTUN) decision to reject the lawsuit against Fadli, noting that the state has repeatedly used its officials to maintain this pattern of denial.

Women’s rights activist Ita Fatia Nadia, who was originally part of the TGPF, shared that she chose to resign early due to intense pressure. She recalled a police general demanding the names and addresses of rape victims as a condition for the reports to be taken seriously.

“The general said if we couldn’t bring the people here or show their addresses, it was all nonsense and lies,” said Ita, who was also part of the Volunteers for Humanity team.

The accusations of lying continued even during an audience with President B.J. Habibie on July 15, 1998. Ita recounted how military advisors took her aside and shouted at her, calling her a “liar” and a “traitor” for “shaming the Indonesian nation.” Despite the intimidation, she stood her ground, asserting that she was telling the truth.

‘Many victims and families were beyond help’

The Volunteers for Humanity recorded 152 victims of mass rape between May 13 and 15, 1998, based on testimonies from victims, families, and witnesses. These records were included in the TGPF findings. However, the number shrank during the official verification process for several tragic reasons: some victims had died, others received death threats and went into hiding, and many chose silence to protect their families.

“Many victims or families couldn’t be helped. As soon as they reported their cases, they were terrorized, causing them to disappear,” Palupi explained. She noted that this atmosphere of fear was weaponized by certain TGPF members to claim the rapes never occurred.

Ita Fatia Nadia confirmed the severity of the danger. She cited the case of Ita Martadinata Haryono, a young victim who had courageously agreed to testify before the United Nations. Before she could do so, she was brutally murdered and raped in her own home. “After that incident, victims and families who wanted to speak out went completely silent,” Ita Nadia said.

Ita Nadia’s memories of those three days in May remain vivid. She recalls receiving reports of rapes in Pluit and Kemayoran on the afternoon of May 13. By 4:00 PM, news came in of looting at Harco Glodok and the physical abuse of Chinese women. When she arrived at Glodok, she witnessed three Chinese women being harassed by a mob.

“They were being pulled in every direction. I used my umbrella to push through the crowd and managed to get them to a nearby hotel,” she said.

The violence was widespread. Ita received further reports from Angke and Cengkareng. In one location, she found a 19-year-old girl bleeding profusely. In another, she met a midwife who was treating a woman who had been sexually assaulted with a broom handle. Ita personally helped transport victims to Siloam Hospital in Kebon Jeruk as the city burned.

On May 14, volunteers opened a hotline that was immediately flooded with calls. One case involved two students who were kidnapped in a car and physically mutilated. Ita provided first aid and rushed them to Soekarno-Hatta International Airport, where Singapore Airlines staff bypassed protocols to get them on a flight to safety.

Palupi, who processed the data for the Volunteers for Humanity, noted that sexual violence was not limited to women; she also discovered cases of sexual assault against men. She also recalled a 12-year-old girl in Tangerang who was gang-raped in front of her six-year-old brother, resulting in a pregnancy.

‘Days of horror and ongoing terror’

The psychological toll on the activists and survivors remains heavy. Palupi admitted that she still remembers the details too clearly. “It is not easy, even now,” she said. Beyond the survivors, there was the trauma of the 1,170 people who died in just three days, many of whom were trapped in burning shopping malls and later unfairly labeled as looters.

“We were helping victims while being terrorized ourselves. Soldiers would come to the office asking for ‘the people defending the Chinese,'” Palupi shared. They received graphic death threats via fax and mail, including warnings that their children were being watched at school.

Ita Fatia Nadia noted that the international community eventually recognized these events as “state terror,” where women’s bodies were used as a battlefield. This recognition only deepened the state’s resolve to deny the events to protect its global image. At the time, intelligence agencies claimed the issue was “politicized” to corner Indonesia, even as the capital earned the dark moniker of “the rape capital of the world” in international protests.

Systematic Engineering and Accountability

Activists believe the riots were not spontaneous but “pre-conditioned” starting in 1997. As the economic crisis worsened, high-ranking generals began scapegoating Chinese entrepreneurs. When the riots broke out on May 13, professional provocateurs—often trained and using radio communications—led the mobs.

The TGPF findings pointed to figures who remain influential today. Current President Prabowo Subianto, then commander of Kostrad, was linked to the kidnappings of activists. The TGPF recommended a military tribunal for those involved, though no such trial occurred. Similarly, current Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, then commander of the Jakarta military, was criticized for the “security vacuum” that allowed the riots to escalate unchecked.

The TGPF final report concluded that the failure to protect citizens was so complete that the government and intelligence networks could not be trusted. For many, the systematic denial of the May 1998 mass rapes remains a final, ongoing act of violence against the victims.

• May 1998 Riots: ’26 years of denying sexual violence against Indonesian women’
• May 1998 Riots: “What was our sin that we were threatened with fire and death?”
• How much does the post-1998 generation know about the Tragedy of ’98?